http://hdl.handle.net/2142/109 (No description provided) Search the Channel search https://www.ideals.uiuc.edu/simple-search http://hdl.handle.net/2142/158 Title: Bridging the Divide?: Ethnic Identity and Transnational Consumption in a "European City" <br/> <br/>Authors: Asher, Andrew <br/> <br/>Abstract / Summary: In an effort to promote the free movement of people and capital, and to establish a supranational conception of identity that deemphasizes nationality and ethnicity as markers of difference, the European Union (EU) has pursued a specific policy agenda of "deterritorializing" its internal borders. Utilizing the urban area of Frankfurt an-der-Oder, Germany, and Slubice, Poland--two border cities divided only by the Oder River--as an ethnographic site, this paper examines the construction and performance of national and ethnic identities in the transnational context of the Polish-German border regions through the commonplace cultural interactions engendered by the deregulation of cross-border movements and consumption practices. By examining the everyday articulation and negotiation between different ethnicities and nationalities, this paper explores how residents of the Polish/German border regions employ different forms of ethnic, national and transnational identities, and how systems of ethnicity and nationality are reconfigured in response to the EU's expanding transnational institutions. In this way, Frankfurt(Oder)/Slubice acts as a microcosm for demonstrating transformations that are occurring throughout Europe, by virtue of its location as a place where what it means to be "European" is negotiated and contested through everyday cross-border practices and interactions. <br/> <br/>Keywords: European Union; Politics and government http://hdl.handle.net/2142/120 Title: Myths of Turkish Influence in the European Union <br/> <br/>Authors: Pahre, Robert; Ucaray, Burcu <br/> <br/>Abstract / Summary: Among the many objections to Turkish membership in the European Union lie claims that Turkey will be a powerful actor in the future EU, with a population as large as or larger than Germany. Many also claim that this power will have negative effects on the EU. We examine such claims analytically, influenced strongly by spatial models of EU policy-making. We find that Turkey's preferences lie sufficiently outside the EU mainstream so that it will have little influence in day-to-day policy-making under the assent, codecision, consultation, and cooperation procedures (or the common procedure in the rejected constitutional treaty). Its influence may be more evident in areas such as the CFSP or JHA, where unanimity remains the normal procedure. Still, Turkey's veto power here is no different from that of other, much smaller countries. Furthermore, veto power can only block changes and cannot be used to pull the EU into undesirable new directions. Even this veto power can be avoided if the EU-25 establishes whatever policies they desire prior to Turkish membership, forcing Turkey to accept a fait accompli. Despite these limitations to its power, Turkey may have some influence in purely intergovernmental settings such as negotiations over new treaties that might occur some decades hence. <br/> <br/>Keywords: European Union; Turkey http://hdl.handle.net/2142/118 Title: In the Laboratory of Europe: Governing the "Europe of Regions" on the Polish/German Frontier <br/> <br/>Authors: Asher, Andrew <br/> <br/>Abstract / Summary: In the aftermath of World War II, one of the primary motivations for creating the institutions that eventually evolved into the European Union (EU) was to ensure a more lasting peace in Europe by connecting, or "integrating," member nations in such a way that a resurgence of strong nationalism could not again lead to war. To this end, the EU has conceptualized Europe as a "Europe of Regions" through which it administers socioeconomic policies at the sub-national level through local governments. These regional policies are also meant explicitly to counteract potential nationalism among the EU's member nations. However, the governing structure of the EU itself privileges the sovereign nation-state, while the politics of the EU commonly fracture along national lines. Therefore, the EU creates tensions not only between the local regions and national governments, but also between the national and international governments. In this manner, local administrations can find themselves aligned with international institutions in opposition to their own national governments. This paper explores the tension and competition of three levels of governance (local, national, and international), within the EU by utilizing the case of transnational regional institutions called "Euroregions" located along the Polish/German Border. Because they are a hybrid form of governmentality, these Euroregions are a location where the conflict between different levels of government are played out "on the ground" through policy initiatives and projects directed at "integrating" Poland and Germany at the local level, and demonstrate the reorientation of the conception of state sovereignty in a transnational context. <br/> <br/>Keywords: European Union; Poland; Germany; Politics and government http://hdl.handle.net/2142/117 Title: Global Force, Connections or Vision?: The Three Meanings of Europe in Postsocialism <br/> <br/>Authors: Gille, Zsuzsa <br/> <br/>Abstract / Summary: How can one provide a nuanced, empirically grounded, analysis of the diverse experiences and views of globalization is the question I set out to answer in this paper. This paper, therefore, explores the meanings of the European Union for various actors and social groups in Hungary. I argue that from the perspective of Eastern European candidate countries, the EU is a key agent of globalization, and, as such is an appropriate proxy for studying globalization in postsocialism. <br/> <br/>Keywords: European Union; Hungary; Globalization http://hdl.handle.net/2142/116 Title: European Regional Development Policies: History and Current Issues <br/> <br/>Authors: Dall'Erba, Sandy <br/> <br/>Abstract / Summary: The objective of this paper is to demonstrate that the European regional development funds do not allow simultaneous achievement of goals of efficiency and equity when they are dedicated to financing transportation infrastructures. The paper first gives some insights on the history and the nature of regional development funds. Then we focus on the degree to which Ireland, Spain and Portugal (but not Greece), the main beneficiaries of regional policies, have been able to move to the European average (in terms of per capita income) since their membership in the EU, which also corresponds to the time when regional assistance was initiated in these countries. Empirical evidence also reveals that income disparities are increasing among regions within each of these countries and this raises the question as to whether the impact of regional funds is or is not rather favorable to this particular convergence pattern, given that one of the primary objectives of regional funding has been to ensure greater cohesion over the whole European territory. The answer comes mainly from the type of infrastructure regional funds finance. Since a significant part of regional funds is devoted to transportation issues, their impact on regional development has to be seen in the light of characteristics of the transport sector and the specific requirements in transport of each individual sector. The paper concludes that transportation infrastructures promote the country's aggregate growth but cannot be seen as an efficient instrument to reduce interregional disparities in Europe. <br/> <br/>Keywords: European Union; Economic conditions; Regional disparities http://hdl.handle.net/2142/115 Title: Trade-off Efficiency-Equity as an Explanation of the Mitigated Success of the European Regional Development Policies <br/> <br/>Authors: Dall'Erba, Sandy <br/> <br/>Abstract / Summary: The objective of this paper is to demonstrate that the European regional development funds do not allow simultaneous achievement of goals of efficiency and equity when they are dedicated to financing transportation infrastructures. The paper first gives some insights on the origin of regional policies. Then we focus on the degree to which Ireland, Spain and Portugal (but not Greece), the main beneficiaries of regional funds, have been able to move to the European average (in terms of per capita income) since their membership in the EU, which also corresponds to the time when regional assistance was initiated in these countries. Empirical evidence also reveals that income disparities are increasing among regions within each of these countries and this raises the question as to whether the impact of regional funds is or is not rather favorable to this particular convergence pattern, given that one of the primary objectives of regional funding has been to ensure greater cohesion over the whole European territory. The answer comes mainly from the type of infrastructure regional funds finance. Since a significant part of regional funds is devoted to transportation issues, their impact on regional development has to be seen in the light of characteristics of the transport sector and the specific requirements in transport of each individual sector. The paper concludes that transportation infrastructures promote the country's aggregate growth but cannot be seen as an efficient instrument to reduce interregional disparities in Europe. <br/> <br/>Keywords: European Union; Economic conditions; Regional disparities http://hdl.handle.net/2142/114 Title: Structural and Spatial Aspects of Regional Inequality in Spain <br/> <br/>Authors: Donaghy, Kieran; Dall'Erba, Sandy <br/> <br/>Abstract / Summary: In this paper we examine differences in Spain's regional economies and how these differences might be taken into account in designing policies to reduce regional inequality. Toward this end, we first set out a basic model of regional economic growth and develop time series corresponding to the theoretical variables of this model. We estimate from these series the model's parameters in the case of each of the regions of Spain to analyze structural differences in the nature of the economic growth processes at work. Making use of an pproximation employed in projection methods, we also compute spatial gradients of growth rates for the regions of Spain to examine how these rates are changing through time as one moves across space relative to a reference location. <br/> <br/>Keywords: European Union; Spain; Economic conditions; Regional disparities http://hdl.handle.net/2142/113 Title: The Implications of Accession for Waste Policies and Industrial Practices : Hungary and the European Union <br/> <br/>Authors: Gille, Zsuzsa <br/> <br/>Abstract / Summary: The hope that prevailed immediately after the collapse of state socialism was that Eastern Europe's environmental pollution would be "swept away by democracy and economic rationality." While with time such expectations have become more modest, some of the same hopes are now resurfacing as the accession of most former socialist countries to the European Union becomes imminent. Most environmentalists and policy experts anticipate an improvement in regulatory standards, in law enforcement, and in the availability of funding for environmental purposes. The purpose of this paper is to evaluate whether and how such expectations are being met in one area of environmental policies in Hungary, a country among the first wave of candidates to be admitted to the EU. <br/> <br/>Keywords: European Union; Hungary; Environment; Pollution http://hdl.handle.net/2142/112 Title: Formal and Informal Ratification in the Intergovernmental Policies of the European Union <br/> <br/>Authors: Pahre, Robert <br/> <br/>Abstract / Summary: Putnam's theory of "two-level games" has spawned numerous studies examining the interaction between international and domestic politics, many focusing on politics in the European Union. While noting that ratification may be formal or informal, much of this literature treats each important domestic actor as if it has de facto formal ratification power. This means that the literature overlooks the very real distinction between formal and informal ratification. Informal ratification may be thought of as a case in which the government pays "audience costs" for unpopular international agreements. In this case, a government must respond continuously to public opinion. This presents constraints very different from those faced by governments who must obtain the formal approval of the legislature (or other actor). For example, divided government has no effect on the likelihood of informal ratification but often does affect the distribution of gains, while it often affects the likelihood of formal ratification but often has no effect on the distribution of the gains. Because these kinds of ratification differ significantly, Putnam's ratification metaphor is not always the most appropriate conceptualization of two-level politics in the European Union. The formal ratification metaphor is especially inappropriate for studying policy-making in the second and third pillars of the EU, which are mostly characterized by intergovernmental bargaining without formal ratification requirements. <br/> <br/>Keywords: European Union; Politics and government http://hdl.handle.net/2142/111 Title: Exchange Rate Stability and Political Accountability in the European Monetary System <br/> <br/>Authors: Bernhard, William <br/> <br/>Abstract / Summary: The European Monetary System (EMS) created a policy standard-exchange rate stability-which domestic constituents could use to evaluate their government's policy choices. Domestic social coalitions in favor of macroeconomic discipline could punish governments that violated this standard. I test the argument that devaluations within the EMS negatively affect the devaluing government's approval ratings by using the London School/Hendry approach to model the approval ratings of the French prime minister and president from 1981-1992. The results indicate that devaluations did hurt the government's approval ratings. I contend that the domestic political cost for violating the focal point of exchange rate stability provided member governments with an additional incentive to pursue disciplined economic policies throughout the 1980s. The incentive to avoid currency devaluations also helped to shape the response to the twin shocks of German monetary unification and the Maastricht Treaty. Since realignment would have damaged their domestic popularity, member governments were unwilling to adjust their parities, leading to the collapse of the EMS. <br/> <br/>Keywords: European Union; Economic conditions; Economic policy